George Amedore won his race for state Senate, despite getting no money from New York City Democrats. (Phyllis McCabe)
In campaigns that spent well over a million dollars each, a few hundred thou might not make a difference in a race where Amedore was ahead by double digits in early October. He won by over 9,000. But it did make a difference two years ago when an estimated $200,000 of late-breaking donations propelled Tkaczyk to an 18-vote victory over Amedore at the wire. This year’s windfall, the unchallenged stories noted, went from de Blasio to the Ulster County Democratic Committee to Tkaczyk. And it was all perfectly legal.
While there are restrictions on how much an individual or a legally designated campaign committee can contribute to a candidate, all bets are off with county committees. There, in another example of politicians taking care of politicians, it’s called “party building.” There are no limits on donations or on expenditures. Other conduits for this easy money are the campaign committees set up by political parties in both houses of the legislature.
CeCe’s cash infusion has local Democrats abuzz. Some ask if some of that late-breaking loot might have stuck to local sticky fingers where it’s really needed, for local elections next year? Raising $50 a head at endless chicken dinners and barbecues attended by the same people is just so tedious. Calls to county party Chairman Frank Cardinale have not been returned.
It’s not exactly a black eye for the departing senator, though it did, during the campaign, raise doubts about her commitment to campaign finance reform.
Turkey talk
Legislature chairman Parete delivered an early — and personal — Thanksgiving message to Republican colleague Kevin Roberts of Modena from the podium at the Nov. 18 regular session. Roberts ran a near-invisible race for state Assembly against nine-term incumbent Kevin Cahill this year, taking only about 35 percent of the vote.
“Kevin Roberts didn’t win, but he stepped up and I thank him for that. He stuck his neck out, just like all of us do,” Parete said. It was not clear whether the rousing applause from legislators was for themselves, Roberts or Parete.
As a footnote to the Kevin-on-Kevin campaign, I circled back on a well-publicized incident that took place early in September during the petition signing process. At the time, operatives from the Cahill camp accused Roberts’ missives of felony forging of petition signatures — specifically that of New Paltz town councilman and Cahill aide Dan Torres — on Roberts’ petitions for the Stop Common Core line.
New Paltz police conducted the investigation but to date had said nothing. I asked Roberts at last week’s legislative session whether he had heard anything. “No,” he said with a shrug, “I guess it just went away.”
Actually, said a New Paltz police spokesman, the department sent it that black hole known as the New York State Board of Elections, which, incidentally, has no criminal authority. Felonies typically go to county district attorneys for consideration.
Cahill, after taking 65 percent of the vote, expressed no particular interest in pursuing the matter.
As Roberts guessed, like the turkey at a Thanksgiving feast, it just went away.
